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PUBLICATION OF
"NEWS FROM ' EST "
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news Eastern
No 1 - February - 2010
This edition was put online February 18, 2010
The next edition will be released in March 2010
EDITORIAL . Our focus is on issues of Eastern Europe, former Soviet Union, China and countries that were included in the work of Comecon, the economic community of the so-called socialist camp. News and Articles may be freely reproduced. Please, however, to respect the integrity and citing authors. This space is not a journal as being updated but does not always reflect a precise frequency. It can not therefore be regarded as an editorial product under Law No 62, 7.03.2001
A Russian UAZ Patriot SUV now in Italy Fernando Martorelli sell, and with good success, the Russians already off-road for thirty years. It ensures that the Patriot (Engine Iveco 110 hp. Diesel. 4 for 4), is class. Will sell for € 14 500.
Gr3 to Netanyahu's visit to Russia The director of "Eurasia" Tiberio Graziani, was interviewed by "Giornale Radio Rai 3" about the visit of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu in Moscow.
The interview was broadcast the 8:45 edition of February 16, 2010.
During his visit to Moscow, the Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu has called on Russian President Medvedev tougher economic sanctions against the Iranian regime in Tehran and not to sell the powerful SS-300 missiles, lethal weapon against aircraft. Vincenzo Mungo spoke with Tiberio Graziani, editor of the geopolitics of Eurasia.
What results can lead to Netanyahu's visit to Moscow this?
The visit is part of the new relations between Russians and Israelis. They highlight the role of Russia in the Near and Middle Eastern game, played until recently only by Washington and London. Specifically, the visit can only lead to very limited and partial.
Netanayahu has asked Moscow for adopting sanctions against Iran, which mainly affect the economy, and also asked to block the sale to Tehran of the SS-300 anti-aircraft missiles that would be very effective.
you think I can get some results like this?
I do not think I can get results like this. However, we can affirm that, to those that appear on the diplomatic vague concessions to Russian requests for Tel Aviv, is a military one certainty: the supply of Russian missiles to the Iranians. This provision has at least two purposes: 1) restore balance to the extent possible the relationship forces between Tehran and Tel Aviv and 2) emphasize the importance of the presence of near-eastern Moscow on the chessboard. In summary, we can say that the traditional and tested in Tel Aviv-Washington axis is opposed now is unprecedented, Eurasian, formed from Moscow, Beijing and Tehran.
Then, in his view, the Russian government will never accept to go to the end against Iran concerning its nuclear program?
No, I think that will always be a valuable partner for Tehran. "
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NOTES by storing CARLO BENEDETTI
Russia
Umberto Eco in the pages of the magazine "Inostrannaja literatura"
@ In the May 1995 issue of the journal Inostrannaja literatura " presents an abstract of the novel by Umberto Eco" The Island of the Day Before. " The same magazine in July '95 issue of public increasingly Eco, "Foucault's Pendulum" in the translation of Elena Kostiukovic. (Note this can be found in the diary of 1995).
USSR
Lev Rasgon, a veteran of the Gulag
@ In the magazine "The New Europe "(number of August 2009) is commemorated the tenth anniversary of the death of one of Stalin's Gulag veterans who, after seventeen years in prison, he founded along with Kovalev and Sakharov Memorial Association. Here is an excerpt from Martha Auction
"was a dissident Lev Razgon sui generis, a figure that is in a contradictory manner: the former prisoner of the Stalinist Gulag, has never participated in battles of dissent, but in 1988 it was he, and not others, to found the association with Kovalev and Sakharov Memorial (star an immense amount of study on the Gulag). Still, a former zek, that although this has always worked for publishing companies of State, has agreed to be reinstated in the party, and held his memoirs tightly closed in a drawer until perestroika.
did not fail in this regard the controversy about him, accusing the relatives and acquaintances of the young elite of the Party, which led some to consider an ambiguous character, even accusing him of having worked for the administration in the camp, while many others refused to do so, finally, have criticized the late literary debut, which casts a shadow of conformism in his book. Presented in this way, its does not seem a very interesting figure, but then you have to explain why his memories of the camp, coming after all others have been considered a masterpiece of the genre and have the added authority in the group of great witnesses. It must also explain why they have personality undisputed as Sakharov estimated unconditionally.
But basically just read what he wrote, just know him more closely because the questions are answered. The Marlen Korallov friend, co-chairman of Memorial and former zek, responded to the criticism: "The his career as a controller working in the camp? There were, yes, the zek who refused on principle places "ambush" and remained in principle to work together. Glory and honor them. But also honor Razgon, using the "Great lemons, falsifying reports to superiors, with intelligence and tenacity saved the hungry servants of the Gulag by punitive ration, the madness of a system devised to squeeze."
Another friend, Boris Zutovskij, Razgon also said that it was "prudent" not "vile" because the seventeen years of camp had produced such wounds mark it for life, for example, after cutting the trees in the camp, he was annoyed by the mere sight of the woods where he had so enjoyed as a boy: "The woods of my childhood were filled with smells and sounds (...) Then came the moment when I felt only hatred for the woods. Of course, those were different woods, forests of the north, dark coniferous swamps and lifeless. Never a peep, never a bird chirping in the north (...) The sparse flowers, then, have no smell. And the wood was not a place of joy, but of forced labor. During the long years spent in the far north, those woods were not for me, but woodlands, land to be cleared. It was not their beauty I thought staring at those pine trees and erect reddish or high mossy trees, but how many cubic meters of wood that would have given the tree, and the timber owner if he could get it was a conditioned reflex. " For the same reason did not like to receive the other ex-prisoners and did not want to see pictures of fields: memories made him sick. Because of this caution, the result of a pain never completely subsided, his spiritual journey was perhaps longer than the others, but very radical and sincere.
To complicate his path was the fact that Razgon has been many things in his life: he was the Communist since childhood (he was born in 1908), almost by inheritance, as a son and a relative of the Bolsheviks and emerging active. But before that, was a jew born in a shtetl in Belarus, participating in every fiber of a way of being, a culture and a community that were a universe unto itself. And finally Razgon was a victim of the Gulag, but a victim active, that this experience has gained the strength for a revolution within.
"I feel I have lived many lives are completely different. But I was not a simple "lives." Stalin was to consider myself a "screw" but I considered myself, and I was to all intents and purposes, an active builder of the socialist system, I have helped develop the extent of my strength and I think this system would take us to a bright future, universal equality. It was a hard intellectual work, dare I say, a vocation. The "lives", after all, the whole machine is not responding. "
This position also so personal in the great ideology, has meant that the evidence most humiliating not wicked, but rather he did bloom in the humanity that made him full in somehow a moral authority, without his ever tried. In fact emerges clearly in Razgon personal religious structure, consolidated in a critical condition of the camp, but always remained undetermined, with a God who is there and not there, because unknowable and distant in the letter written to the lager daughter ended just like that: "We protect the God in whom I do not think." What remained in him was the attachment to the higher values indisputable: "This is a trait of my character to be tolerant, friendly and calm ... and to believe in a good future. In this sense is a deeply religious man. Even in camp I tried to preserve the moral principles I believed in freedom indispensable for me. Otherwise I would not have survived. And I must admit that in camp that I could more easily free. "
not to believe that the detention was so "facilitative", in reality, face to face with death was tragic, anguished, "How many people died under me eyes of violent death, and in that situation, every death was violent sickness, cold, starvation and overwork, the brutality of the executioners, how many innocent people were shot, tortured to death, trampled underfoot. " It is precisely to deal with this without stultifying that it was necessary to muster all the resources of his own humanity, family education, a secular culture. In doing so Razgon bought with sweat and tears that tolerance, acceptance that all that unlimited then would have recognized: "My tolerance does not mean that I look at life with rose-colored glasses, or I forgot my past, and that of my country. No, I have not forgotten, and carrying all the weight of my responsibility before men, to my country and myself. It is not a lightweight. Fifty years ago (...) Yes, I would be willing to kill those who killed Oksana (...) I am now indifferent. I have not tried any pleasure when I read in a file in the archives of the KGB, that one of his killers was tortured and shot by his fellow chekists.
The strength of his warm humanity suffered was precisely this sense of shared responsibility, which came to him from participating in the life of the party and its ideals, he felt, in conscience, to take the distances as if they were totally different from him: "I feel the full weight of responsibility for what happened in my country. I would say more, I had not even settled the accounts with my seventeen years in the camps. No. I still carry the weight of this responsibility is to society and, especially, in front of myself ... I believe I have not paid the bill. The account is paid only when we recognize the way down what has been done, and what we are all guilty - some more than others - for what happened to us. Because something has happened to everyone: who was in as to who put in, and even those who have escaped both of these glasses. The whole society was sick, there was not a healthy practice, except for rare exceptions. "
But the sense of responsibility went beyond the political and social destiny of the country, entered the intimacy of family relations, and severely questioned, as understood by the pages devoted to his mother. The revolutionary enthusiasm, the myth of the new man who had pursued in addition to helping to kill the bodies had done something else, had killed the hope of many, including her mother. After Stalin died, he had managed with difficulty Razgon to return to Moscow, where he had been rehabilitated and reinstated in the Party, and this seemed a minimum compensation for what had passed. He resumed his activities as a writer of texts for children and science popularization, and entered the Union of Writers, in secret in the meantime, however, drew his memoirs. In 1987 the weekly "ogonek" was published, with great success, the chapter titled "The president's wife," which told the dramatic story of the wife of Kalinin. In 1988, The Naked Truth was released in full in the journal Junost '"and the Soviet readers had just loved his gentle manner, often ironic and detached to tell facts unbearably sad.
This publication had finally freed from the fear that blocked him for years, taking away some sort of heavy psychological taboo, in this sense, perhaps, Razgon was right in saying that the camp was easier to stay faithful our principles. In those years he had regained the sense to remember that he had conceived in the field: "In camp survive was the only form of resistance to the regime. Every day that survive was a blow to Stalin. I thought if I survived I would tell all. I could tell what could not tell who was dead. It was one of the most painful sensations to see that the men disappeared and there are none left at all, because all of their loved ones were reduced to dust. "
From that moment he had worked hard and would not have stopped spending more generously to the death. In 1989 he was involved with the group of former detainees who wanted to do something to ensure that the camp system was not erased and forgotten, but in this work, which led to the birth of Memorial, he was met with a disappointment: , "We found that neither the power political nor the company wanted to go back to remember the past few days (...) I will do 90 years and I think with bitterness. Not because life ends, this is a natural biological factor, but the historical, social. The historical memory of our people have not awakened. In fact, I feel that society tries to forget all that troubles us (...) I feel somewhat guilty because I was not able. None of us has been able to not have supported us. Why? This question requires a long reflection. Our society is still now split between those who put into it, and those that were put inside. And to a large extent the prevailing first. "
But despite all he had pulled his oars, focusing on their own old age and many diseases, he was always available, attentive to the needs of others, anxious to see the turn taken by the Russian post-communist society: "Unfortunately we have come a long way from years past in terms of psychology, with the moral attitude, recognizing our responsibility and above the value of the human person."
His battle had become the abolition of the death death in Russia, and never tired of calling from all stands the dangers of the present moment, the barbarism of values, the lack of mercy. That is why in 1992 he accepted an appointment very burdensome, especially for a man like him already tried, to be part of the renewed committee for the grace from the presidency of the Russian Republic. In practice, this meant devoting three full days each week to reading huge criminal files, the contents of which sometimes made him tremble, but, as he said in an interview: "This is, in short, an incredible asset . Not for those who receive the grace to my help, but for myself. Yes, is hard work, I would say a moral, often at night do not sleep under the impression of what I read in the files. But I purifies the soul. I am happy to have chosen, and being chosen for this mission. And I am convinced that this work will bear good fruits to our country. " In all this, Razgon remained a cheerful man, even charged the old memories and new disappointment, aggravated by several strokes. Many have wondered how to reconcile the unchanging love of life with his tremendous biography. On occasion Razgon had responded to this question: "When we say that we must eradicate crime, fight evil, we mean that it will be someone else to do, not us. In fact it can eradicate the evil only if each of us will become better. It may sound naive, but there are other ways to change society and our lives. "
SERBIA
In Serbia and 'has launched an initiative to establish a new political party by the singular name,' My Russia ', the whose ultimate aim is the union of Serbia
@ The project sponsor (which was in August 2009 according to our records) is Ivan Isakovic, a politician from the city of Sabac, west of Belgrade, former engaged in collecting 10 thousand signatures needed to register the new political force. ''People are thrilled that he finally embarked on the process of creating such a party,''he said Isakovic cited by the Serbian press. ''The petitioners are mostly young, but even the most 'old show interest. Our goal is a growing rapprochement with Russia, to arrive a day
SERBIA
An appeal for Radio Klokot
@ From a memo dated 29 August 2009: "The Association of Serbian Journalists (Uns) has appealed the authorities in Belgrade and the Serbian population to intervene in support of Klokot radio, a station that broadcasts in the Serbian language in the southwestern part of Kosovo, in serious financial difficulties and risks for this closure. The owner of the radio, Nikola Stolic - quoted by Tanjug - said that the issuer has an urgent need for new machinery and equipment, otherwise terminate within thirty days. Radio Klokot covers a region in southeastern Kosovo where Serbs live about 30 000.
RUSSIA
E '12 August 2009. agencies around the world spreading the message that President Medvedev has addressed the nation. In reference to the conflict with Georgia
@ I return from my notes of August 2009 this declaration Russian President Medvedev: "I made the decision to conclude the operation to force Georgian authorities to peace. The goal has been reached. E 'restored the security of our peacekeepers and the civilian population. The assailant and 'have been punished and has suffered serious losses. Its armed forces have been disorganized. "
The theater of war, Russian troops control the Georgian territory and airspace of the country.
Saakascvili raves. He accused Russia of bombing the Baku-Tbilisi-Jeikhan. And it is a lie that even the Pentagon prefers not to confirm.
accused Russia of bombing the Georgian capital. And it 'a lie that in Italy have the courage to promote only those who have been effectively defined saakasc ... cowards.
authorities of Abkhazia opens second front to oust Georgian troops from its territory in breach of any agreement that had settled in the Kodori Gorge.
Abkhazia is the wonderful land of Jason and most of its territory overlooking the waters of the Black Sea fleet to Georgia to avoid bombing the country from the sea moves the Russian Navy. A few hours later the entire fleet is sunk Georgian, Abkhaz territorial waters and the port of Poti.
In the story of Medea seduced and abandoned, Saakascvili orders all its forces to rush to the defense of Tbilisi that no threat. On the face of war seems to fall silent as they leverage the voice of diplomacy.
After the apparent failure reported to the Security Council of Europe has a flicker of pride and autonomy, and under the leadership of Sarkozy, president, look for the path of dialogue with Moscow, not the threat.
His trip to Moscow was preceded by an intense network of phone calls between the major European capitals and the Kremlin. The agreement is close and a prelude to the victory of common sense.
The press conference followed the successful meeting with President Medvedev Sarkozy reaffirms the concepts of his earlier statement: We have achieved what we set out. First, we defend the Russian citizens living in South Ossetia Secondly, we have restored the status quo and we defended the order public in the spirit of international agreements signed in 1992 and in subsequent years. We observed that the full mandate of peacekeeping forces, and even reluctantly, by extension. "
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